Revisiting the Buffering Hypothesis: Social Support, ..

The buffering hypothesis ' Clinical Psychology ..

Stress, social support, and the buffering hypothesis

Lazarus’ theory of psychological stress (Lazarus 1966; Lazarus and Folkman 1984) is centred on the concept of cognitive appraisal. Regardless of the actual severity of the danger facing a person, the occurrence of psychological stress depends upon the individual’s own evaluation of the threatening situation (here, job insecurity).

A buffering effect is a process in which a psychosocial resource reduces the impact of life stress on psycho-logical well-being

Ernest Becker Foundation – Illuminating Denial of Death

There is also evidence assessing the “objective” validity of self-reported psychosocial scales: correlations between self-report and expert observation data are typically 0.70 or higher for decision latitude, and lower (0.35) correlations for work demands (Frese and Zapf 1988). Also supporting objective validity is the high between-occupation variances of (40 to 45%) of decision latitude scales, which compare favourably with 21% for income and 25% for the physical exertion, which are acknowledged to vary dramatically by occupation (Karasek and Theorell 1990). However, only 7% and 4%, of psychological demands and social support scale variance, respectively, is between occupations, leaving the possibility of a large person-based component of self-reports of these measures.

Cohen S Wills TA 1985 Stress social support and the buffering hypothesis from PSYCH PSYCM105 at Ateneo de Naga University

Passage two: "The notion of a positive psychology movement began at a moment in time a few months after I had been elected president of the American Psychological Association. It took place in my garden while I was weeding with my 5– year–old daughter, Nikki. I have to confess that even though I write books about children, I'm really not all that good with them. I am goal oriented and time–urgent, and when I am weeding in the garden, I am actually trying to get the weeding done. Nikki, however, was throwing weeds into the air and dancing around. I yelled at her. She walked away, came back, and said, "Daddy, I want to talk to you." "Yes, Nikki?" "Daddy, do you remember before my fifth birthday? From the time I was three to the time I was five, I was a whiner. I whined every day. When I turned five, I decided not to whine anymore. That was the hardest thing I've ever" . . . ( Seligman, 2002b, p. 3).

View details for Stressors, social support, and tests of the buffering hypothesis: Effects on psychological responses of injured athletes.

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Kelley, T. M. (2001). The need for a principle–based positive psychology. , (1), 88–89. doi:10.1037//0003–066X.56.1.88. Comments on M. E. P. Seligman and M. Csikszentmihalyi's (see record 2000–13324–001) introduction to the special issue on positive psychology (American Psychologist, 2000[Jan], Vol 55[1]). T. M. Kelley is concerned by the apparent absence of causal psychological principles to guide the emerging field of positive psychology in its study of optimal human functioning. Kelley illustrates how the principles of psychology of mind or health realization lead to a fundamentally different view of one of the most prominent theoretical concepts of positive psychology: Csikszentmihalyi's (1999) flow.

How to Master Your Emotions | Psychology Today

Kashdan, T. (2004). The assessment of subjective well–being (issues raised by the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire). , (5), 1225–1232. doi:10.1016/S0191–8869(03)00213–7. This commentary raises conceptual issues related to recent efforts to develop measures of subjective wellbeing (SWB). Specifically, Hills' and Argyle's (2002) article on the development of the 29–item Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (OHQ), and its predecessor, the 20–item Oxford Happiness Inventory (Argyle, Martin & Crossland, 1989). Instead of assessing the structure of subjective well–being (SWB), items of the OHQ tap into self–esteem, sense of purpose, social interest and kindness, sense of humor, and aesthetic appreciation. The item content of the OHQ fails to differentiate the assessment of SWB from the predictors, correlates, and consequences of SWB. In contrast to published SWB findings with other measures, data are presented suggesting that the OHQ has artificially inflated correlations with those constructs tapped by the OHQ: self–esteem, sense of purpose, and social interest/extraversion. The operationalization of SWB by the OHQ is not based on relevant definition and theory and appears to invite nonrandom error into the study of SWB. The article concludes with an appeal for the use of more stringent conceptual and analytic approaches.

Clinical Psychology Review February ..

Keyes, C. L. M., Shmotkin, D., & Ryff, C. D. (2002). Optimizing well–being: The empirical encounter of two traditions. , (6), 1007–1022. doi:10.1037/0022–3514.82.6.1007. Subjective well–being (SWB) is evaluation of life in terms of satisfaction and balance between positive and negative affect; psychological well–being (PWB) entails perception of engagement with existential challenges of life. The authors hypothesized that these research streams are conceptually related but empirically distinct and that combinations of them relate differentially to sociodemographics and personality. Data are from a national sample of 3,032 Americans aged 25–74. Factor analyses confirmed the related–but–distinct status of SWB and PWB. The probability of optimal well–being (high SWB and PWB) increased as age, education, extraversion, and conscientiousness increased and as neuroticism decreased. Compared with adults with higher SWB than PWB, adults with higher PWB than SWB were younger, had more education, and showed more openness to experience.